The Black Death

Medieval Venice

For this week’s tutorial I will be discussing the legal and political structures of two of the largest urban centres at the time in Italy and across all of Europe. We will discuss the formation of Venice and Florence’s merchant-elite governments, and how through commerce and production, humble merchants and traders of both cities came to eventually form reasonably well functioning oligarchies and civil governments. Above is a picture of medieval Venice in which shipping (its main commercial enterprise at the time) is featured.

Below is an image from inside the Palazzo Davanzati in Florence. Take notice of the walls which are adorned with 14th century opulent woollen tapestries (with wool manufacturing being one of the most important economic activities for medieval Florence).

Palazzo Davanzati, Florence.

Just a question to get the ball rolling for the tute this week: Despite both Venice’s and Florence’s system of civil politics and governance lacking total democracy, why do you think they (for the most part) functioned more effectively than others, and (in Venice’s case) prevailed for so long?

Looking forward to further discussion with all of you.

--Tom

What was Italian civilization like in the years after 1250C.E and before the arrival of the Black Death?

Prior to the Black Death, civilization in Italy was flourishing. Both Florence and Venice were autonomous republics governed by elite merchants, and it was a time of great wealth and great vision. This was reflected in Florence’s architectural achievements of the era, which included the building of the new Cathedral, the Palazzo Vecchio, the Church of Santa Croce, Or San Michel and Logga del Lanzi.

What were the economic foundations of Florence?

Most of Florence’s wealth during this period was generated from two enterprises: banking and wool.

Banking

• Close ties between Florence and the Papacy gave merchants the opportunity to act as the Church’s fiscal agent
• Collected the Tithe (Church Tax)
• Two of these banking families, the Bardi’s and the Peruzzi’s, helped King Edward III of England finance the 100 Years War

Wool

• Wool was readily available from the Angevin rulers
• Wool was one of the two most viable products for foreign trade, the other being metal
• Two wool guilds: The Calimala Guild and the Lana Guild
• Apart from guildsmen, there were many other people involved in the process of wool manufacturing e.g. fullers, dyers, weavers, washers and spinners
• Also created jobs in transportation and selling goods
• It is estimated that at its peak in the 14th century, approximately half of Florence’s population was employed in wool manufacture

What were Venice’s economic foundations?

Unlike Florence, Venice was a coastal city, whose wealth was derived primarily from trade and shipbuilding. The historian Frederic Lane describes Venice during this time as a ‘maritime republic’. In fact, the ‘noblemen’ (merchants) of Venice usually held positions such as officer, captain, or admiral. Trade was conducted not only in the Mediterranean but also in the English Channel and along the North Sea coastline.

Shipbuilding and the State

• The State began its own shipbuilding enterprise from 1290
• Developed a system called the ‘arsenale’
• This new system allowed specialist government workers such as carpenters, sail-makers and caulkers, to build efficient and sturdy galleys
• It was a complex and highly efficient process

--Steph K

Does the extract from Petrarch’s Letter to Posterity indicate an optimistic or pessimistic sense of his legacy?
Francesco Petrarca (1304-1374) was a writer and thinker who produced numerous works primarily on the human personality and mind. He was most concerned with issues of religious life, striving for fame, the passion of love, the value of different forms of knowledge and of course his main love was the study of classical antiquity. To me he emanates a modest man who thought very logically and ahead of his time. Petrarch Wrote one of very few autobiographies from the middle ages. He did so in the hope that future generations or “posterity” would take an interest in not only his life but the times he lived in and they issues they faced in everyday life. 

The excerpt which we were given to read begins very modestly with Petrarch expressing a rather pessimistic attitude that future generations will hear of him. Although he writes as though it is unlikely, the fact that he is writing a 4000 word autobiography must spring from some kind of optimism that someone will read it.  Petrarch writes that he “always tried to transport [himself] mentally to other times”. From this admission it is clear that he understands how others, like him, will have less interest in their own times and want to know as much about past generations as possible, making it more likely that his works will be read. 

I draw from this extract that Petrarch’s exploration of the human identity strongly enhanced his understanding of himself.  Consequently, this knowledge and studied opinion of his own works and the time he lived in, gave him hope that his work would stand the test of time. I think that Petrarch had an optimistic yet very modest sense of his legacy. 
--Anna

Perin also addressed this question:

Francesco Petrarch, often considered the Father of Humanism, was a poet, historian, and scholar who had a firm admiration for the classics and introduced them to his contemporaries. Petrarch is often seen as one of the forerunners of the Renaissance as his main works were based on classical antiquity and the revival of classical thinkers. His "Letter to Posterity," presents an autobiographical passage that reflects on his personal history and philosophy on life, which in turn provides an idea of what he thought would become of his legacy.

To begin with, his actions of writing a letter to posterity and addressing to those who “word may have come to”, reveals that he is optimistic that he will be talked about in the future. It can be observed that Petrarch’s writing is a calculated effort to leave a monumental self-portrait for those to come. His letter to ‘future generations’ portrays a strong sense of desire to be remembered for his labours and also for individual fame that would match his predecessors, namely Cicero. 

Though this is evident, it is also important to note Petrarch’s strong level of humility and self-awareness that he maintains in his writing. He remains modest and sceptical and at times, his optimism is dulled when he displays signs of uncertainty, noting “though even this is doubtful, since an insignificant and obscure name will scarcely penetrate far in either time or space”. 

From this, we can establish that he is conflicted. While the certainty in his work and learnings is why he believes people may want to know about his life and how he came to be, his pessimism arises out of his inability to know what time will determine for his legacy.  

Ultimately, the extract indicates a level of both optimism and pessimism. Despite being aware of the vast social changes that were approaching at the time, his self-consciousness makes him doubt the magnitude of his legacy.

--Perin

How does King characterise the economic and social impact of the Black Death?

In the summer of 1348, the Black Death arrived in Europe having a devastating impact on the population. Originating in Asia, it is transmitted by a flea, which was carried by a particular type of rat. It spread to Sicily through merchants who had carried the rat aboard and as Sicily traded with areas such as the Crime and Byzantium, the disease spread further.  The plague effected people in waves, epidemics reoccurring 5 different occasions throughout the 14^th century and decreasing in frequency after 1400 up until the 18^th century. The three types of plague infecting people were:

• Septicaemic: where the disease enters the blood stream and kills in hours
• Pneumonic:  where the disease enters the lungs (transmitted by droplets and not requiring flea or rat) killed in days
• Bubonic: (the most common type) Which was spread by the rat and its infected fleas and caused swellings called ‘buboes’ that usually killed in most cases.

The plague was more common in the city than the countryside but affected the country too. It also had a bigger affect on the elderly and children – those whose immune system were least likely to stand up to the disease. The plague affected the population accordingly:

• Florence: Pre plague – 90,000-100,000; post plague – 30,000
• Venice: Pre plague – 120,000; post plague – 84,000
• Bologna: Pre plague - 54,000; post plague – 35,000
• Padua: Pre plague – 38,000; post plague – 18,000
• Pisa: Pre plague – 50,000; post plague – 10,000

At the time, doctors didn’t know anything about the plague, how it was caused and how to treat it and they often refused to treat patients due to its deadly nature unless paid. Common treatments included urine examination and blood letting to no avail. They thought it was transmitted through the air recommended filtered air and closed windows. There was no cure for it at the time. Cities would try and quarantine households and arrange for burials (sometimes mass burials) and the clergy would assist and serve the sick where they could. Some of the clergy however would abandon cities, leaving the survivors to unceremoniously bury their dead.

King mentions Giovanni Boccaccio who wrote about his experience with the plague in 1348. He comments on the way the plague affected the human spirit. He talks about the way the disease spread fear throughout Europe and caused family members to abandon each other out of fear of catching the plague. Parents would abandon their sick kids, wives would abandon sick husbands, sibling would abandon sick sibling and so on. The sick were on their own for the most part, only receiving support from friends, which was not a common occurrence according to Boccaccio. Although there are critics of Boccaccio’s account, the plague definitely would have had a massive effect on both society and the economy, including the production of art and literature, which would eventually lead to the renaissance.

Questions to consider:

What effect do you think the plague had on city and country life? How did these places affect each other (which area had the bigger impact overall)? How did the Church's response to the plague affect society? How did the Black Plague affect people's interactions with one another?

Do the documents relating to the Black Death reflect Kings understanding of the impact of the Black Death?

In Margaret King’s article it is noted that:

• “It [The Black Death] changed the course of history; it interrupted, but did no choke off the movement of ideas”
• Her chronology in the “age of republics” on p.276 shows a lot of activity every few years, for example major public works, buildings started, guilds set up just to mention a few, but then in King’s words “after the hiatus of the plague and reconstruction, literature figures don’t emerge till 1390’s and no significant innovations in the visual arts until the 1400’s” – that is 42 years later, a generation on before anything started to be note worthy
• From the impact graph it looks like Florence lost 50 % of the population Siena 70 % and Venice 35%, this looks like more than a hiatus for medieval life at that time.
• King’s extract from Boccaccio explains the social breakdown of law and order and customs

Giovanni Boccaccio

• Giovanni Boccaccio in extract number 3 tells us that not only is there a breakdown in the social fabric of society but also tells us of medicine failure and religious institutions were not immune from the effects. Leaving the people asking the question as to why the church and their prayers didn’t save them.
• It became hard to find a priest to deliver the last rites and no consecrated ground left in the cemeteries to bury the dead and clergy’s ran off abandoning their post.
• The citizens who managed to avoid the plague consumed life as if it was there last day on earth, people could do what they wanted
• Bordering on a famine before the plague, now crops laid wasted with no one to harvest
• Giovanni Boccaccio continued to write through the plague years for the next 26 years, till his death

Other Quotes

• As far as the church being a power house before the plague and, from extract 7, Gille de Muisis sums up all funeral rites ceased; the deaths grew from day to day as did the priests who administered to the sick became sick themselves; fear would have grown as the church was supposed to be immune
• Matteo Villani, in extract 11 criticizes the few surviving folk left, who escaped the grave; he says they would be better to be more pious, humble, virtuous, and more catholic; he thought they would guard themselves from sin, be full of love and charity towards one another
• But in a short time gave into a shameful, disordered, sordid life of sin and gluttony and inventing strange fashions. Matteo tells us that after the plague, goods and services cost twice as much, lawsuits over land grabbing, disputes, and riots flared up, so for a time they lived in utter chaos.

Questions to consider:

 Do you think the Black Death was just a bump on the time scale or a hiatus as King calls it or... a huge shift in social, economic and cultural belief that needed changes in attitudes and time to come to terms with?

--Rosslyn, Georgia and Roman

[Editor's note: Jordan's contribution to come...]